Chinese |
Remarks |
>Top 0. Preface:
- President Obama delivered his Farewell Address in Chicago on January 10, 2017. Watch it here:
“I’m asking you to believe. Not in my ability to bring about change?—?but in yours.”
- Hello, Chicago! (Applause.) It's good to be home! (Applause.) Thank you, everybody. Thank you. (Applause.) Thank you so much. Thank you. (Applause.) All right, everybody sit down. (Applause.) We're on live TV here. I've got to move. (Applause.) You can tell that I'm a lame duck because nobody is following instructions. (Laughter.) Everybody have a seat. (Applause.)
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0. 序:
- 2017/1/10 シカゴで行われたオバマ大統領による最後の演説。「私は皆さんに問いたい。変化をもたらす能力が私にではなく皆さんにそれがあると信じているかと。」
- ハイ、シカゴ (拍手) 故郷はいいものだ! (拍手) ありがとう、皆さん、ありがとう (拍手) 大変ありがとう (拍手)
どうぞ皆さん座って下さい(拍手) ここではTV中継されているので、始めなければならない。 (拍手) 私はもうレームダックなので誰も私の支持に従わない。(笑) 皆さん、座って下さい (拍手)
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>Top 1 Value of democracy:
- THE PRESIDENT:
My fellow Americans — (applause) — Michelle and I have been so touched by all the well wishes that we've received over the past few weeks. But tonight, it's my turn to say thanks. (Applause.) Whether we have seen eye-to-eye or rarely agreed at all, my conversations with you, the American people, in living rooms and in schools, at farms, on factory floors, at diners and on distant military outposts — those conversations are what have kept me honest, and kept me inspired, and kept me going. And every day, I have learned from you. You made me a better President, and you made me a better man. (Applause.)
“This is where I learned that change only happens when ordinary people get involved and they get engaged, and they come together to demand it.”
So I first came to Chicago when I was in my early 20s. And I was still trying to figure out who I was, still searching for a purpose in my life. And it was a neighborhood not far from here where I began working with church groups in the shadows of closed steel mills. It was on these streets where I witnessed the power of faith, and the quiet dignity of working people in the face of struggle and loss.
- AUDIENCE: Four more years! Four more years! Four more years!
THE PRESIDENT: I can't do that.
AUDIENCE: Four more years! Four more years! Four more years!
- THE PRESIDENT: This is where I learned that change only happens when ordinary people get involved and they get engaged, and they come together to demand it.
After eight years as your President, I still believe that. And it's not just my belief. It's the beating heart of our American idea — our bold experiment in self-government. It's the conviction that we are all created equal, endowed by our Creator with certain unalienable rights, among them life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. It's the insistence that these rights, while self-evident, have never been self-executing; that We, the People, through the instrument of our democracy, can form a more perfect union.
What a radical idea. A great gift that our Founders gave to us: The freedom to chase our individual dreams through our sweat and toil and imagination, and the imperative to strive together, as well, to achieve a common good, a greater good.
- For 240 years, our nation's call to citizenship has given work and purpose to each new generation. It's what led patriots to choose republic over tyranny, pioneers to trek west, slaves to brave that makeshift railroad to freedom. It's what pulled immigrants and refugees across oceans and the Rio Grande. (Applause.) It's what pushed women to reach for the ballot. It's what powered workers to organize. It's why GIs gave their lives at Omaha Beach and Iwo Jima, Iraq and Afghanistan. And why men and women from Selma to Stonewall were prepared to give theirs, as well. (Applause.)
- So that's what we mean when we say America is exceptional — not that our nation has been flawless from the start, but that we have shown the capacity to change and make life better for those who follow. Yes, our progress has been uneven. The work of democracy has always been hard. It's always been contentious. Sometimes it's been bloody. For every two steps forward, it often feels we take one step back. But the long sweep of America has been defined by forward motion, a constant widening of our founding creed to embrace all and not just some. (Applause.)
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1. 民主主義の価値:
- バラク・オバマ大統領:
アメリカ国民の皆さん。(歓声) ミシェルと私は、この何週間かの間に頂いた皆さんからのお別れの言葉に感動しています。しかし、今夜は私が皆さんに御礼を申し上げる番です。 (歓声) 実際に目を合わせてお話しできたのか、同意できたかにかかわらず、私がアメリカ人の皆さんとできた対話の場所は客間、学校、農場、工場の床、食堂、遠い駐屯地であったりしましたが、そこでのあなた方との対話は、私を正直にさせ、奮起させ、邁進する助けとなってきました。 毎日私は皆さんから学んできました。皆さんが私をより良い大統領に、そしてより良い人間にしてくれました。「ここは、ごく普通の人々と関わり、交流し、友に要求することで変化が生まれるということを学んだ場所です。」 私が初めてシカゴに来たのは20代前半でした。その頃、私はまだどのような人間になろうか思案中で、自分の人生の目的を模索していた頃でした。 ここからそう遠くない場所で、近くの閉鎖された製鉄所の陰にある教会のグループで私は働き始めました。そこで私は信ずる力とそこで闘争と失望中の浮かぶ労働者の表情に静かな尊厳を見つけました。
- (聴衆) あともう４年間を！あと４年！あと４年！
(大統領) それはできないのです。
(聴衆) もう４年間！あと４年！あと４年！
- そこで私は、普通の人たちが深く関わり、一致して要求することで、物事は変化することができるのだと学びました。 皆さんの大統領として８年間を果たした今でも、まだ私はそう確信しています。しかも、それは私の信念というだけではなく、アメリカの思想の真髄 - 自主政治という大胆な試みです。それは、皆平等に創造されたという確信です。創造主から、命、自由、幸福の探求といった奪われることのない確かな権利を与えられているのです。 そのような権利は、自明ではあっても、自動的に実行されるのではなく、我々が、民主主義という手段を通して、さらに完全な統一国家となることができるのです。なんと過激なアイデアなのでしょう。我々の建国者がくれたすばらしい贈り物とは、我々の個々の夢を追求する自由とは、我々の汗と辛苦と創造力、さらに我々の共通の正義、より良い正義のために闘うことを通じてこそ得られるものであるということです。
- 240年間にわたり、この国は国民に、それぞれの世代に対して仕事と目的を提供してきました。それこそが愛国者に専制政治ではなく共和制を選択させ、開拓者に西部を目指させ、奴隷たちにその日暮らしから自由への道を目指す勇気を与えてきた。移民や難民が海を超えてやって来させ、 (テキサス独立戦争の)リオ・グランデにかき立てた。それはまた女性に投票するようにして、労働者が組織するように力づけたのです。 それゆえに、米国兵(GI)は(ノルマンディー上陸作戦での)オマハビーチや(太平洋戦争での)硫黄島、イラクやアフガニスタンでの闘いで命を捧げました。(キング牧師が大行進したアラバマ州の)セルマから(同性愛者の抵抗運動が始まったNT州の) ストンウォールに至るまで、男女が同様に命を捧げる用意をしたのも同じ理由からです。 (拍手)
- 我々はアメリカが例外的であると言うのは、このような意味なのです。つまり建国後から何も問題がなかったのではなく、我々が変革をする能力があることを示し、後の世代がより良い生活を送れるようにするということです。 そう、我々の進歩は平坦ではありませんでした。民主主義の仕事は常に容易でなく、いつも論議となり、時には流血すらありました。常に前に２歩進み１歩後退しているような感覚がするものです。しかし、長い目で見ればアメリカは、前進という言葉で定義でき、一握りではなく全ての人を受け入れるという建国の信念を一貫して広げてきたのです。 (拍手)
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>Top 2. Sense of solidarity
- If I had told you eight years ago that America would reverse a great recession, reboot our auto industry, and unleash the longest stretch of job creation in our history — (applause) — if I had told you that we would open up a new chapter with the Cuban people, shut down Iran's nuclear weapons program without firing a shot, take out the mastermind of 9/11 — (applause) — if I had told you that we would win marriage equality, and secure the right to health insurance for another 20 million of our fellow citizens — (applause) — if I had told you all that, you might have said our sights were set a little too high. But that's what we did. (Applause.) That's what you did.
You were the change. You answered people's hopes, and because of you, by almost every measure, America is a better, stronger place than it was when we started. (Applause.)
In 10 days, the world will witness a hallmark of our democracy.
AUDIENCE: Nooo —
THE PRESIDENT: No, no, no, no, no — the peaceful transfer of power from one freely elected President to the next. (Applause.) I committed to President-elect Trump that my administration would ensure the smoothest possible transition, just as President Bush did for me. (Applause.) Because it's up to all of us to make sure our government can help us meet the many challenges we still face.
- We have what we need to do so. We have everything we need to meet those challenges. After all, we remain the wealthiest, most powerful, and most respected nation on Earth. Our youth, our drive, our diversity and openness, our boundless capacity for risk and reinvention means that the future should be ours. But that potential will only be realized if our democracy works. Only if our politics better reflects the decency of our people. (Applause.) Only if all of us, regardless of party affiliation or particular interests, help restore the sense of common purpose that we so badly need right now.
“... democracy does require a basic sense of solidarity — the idea that for all our outward differences, we're all in this together; that we rise or fall as one.”
That's what I want to focus on tonight: The state of our democracy. Understand, democracy does not require uniformity. Our founders argued. They quarreled. Eventually they compromised. They expected us to do the same. But they knew that democracy does require a basic sense of solidarity — the idea that for all our outward differences, we're all in this together; that we rise or fall as one. (Applause.)
There have been moments throughout our history that threatens that solidarity. And the beginning of this century has been one of those times. A shrinking world, growing inequality; demographic change and the specter of terrorism — these forces haven't just tested our security and our prosperity, but are testing our democracy, as well. And how we meet these challenges to our democracy will determine our ability to educate our kids, and create good jobs, and protect our homeland. In other words, it will determine our future.
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2. : 連帯の感覚:
- もし私が8年前に皆さんに、アメリカの大きな不況を回復させ、自動車産業を再稼働させ、アメリカの史上最長の雇用を生み出すと話していたとしたら、 (拍手) もし私が皆さんに、キューバの人々と新たな関係を始めると、そして戦うことなくイランの核兵器計画をやめさせ、9.11の首謀者を取り除くと話ししていたとしたら、 (拍手) もし私が皆さんに、(同性愛者を含む)結婚の平等を確立し、さらに2,000万人もの国民に健康保険の権利を保障すると話していたとしたら、皆さんにはそれらの目標が高すぎると言われたかも知れません。 しかし、我々はこれらのことを成し遂げました。皆さんが変化を起こしたのです。皆さんが人々の希望に応え、皆さんのおかげで、ほとんど全ての意味において、我々の始まりの時よりも、アメリカはより良い強い国となることができたのです。 (拍手) 10日後に世界は民主主義の証明を目にすることになるでしょう。 (会場ブーイング)
いや、いや、いや、... 自由に選出された１人の大統領から次の大統領へと権力が平和裏に移行するのです。 (拍手) 丁度ブッシュ大統領が私に対してしたように、私も次期大統領トランプ氏に、私の政権ができる限りスムーズに移行できるように約束します。(拍手) なぜなら、我々が未だ直面している多くの問題を政府が助けてくれるかどうかは、我々全てにかかっているからです。
- 我々はそのような挑戦をするために必要な全てのものを手にしています。 結果として我々は地球上最も裕福で、最も強力で、最も尊敬される国であり続けるのです。我々の若さと行動力、我々の多様性と開放性、我々のリスクと変革への限りない能力を考慮すると、未来は我々のものであると言えます。 しかしその可能性は我々の民主主義が機能するかにかかっています。我々の政治が自国民の品格を十分反映する必要があります。(拍手) 我々の全てが、党派への所属や特定の利害に関わらず、現在急務とされている共通目的という感覚を回復する助けになるのであればの話です。「民主主義は基本的に連帯の感覚を必要とします。外面的には異なっていても内面的には一緒であるというのは、我々は興亡の時は一つという考えのことです。」 今夜、
私が強調したいのはこのことです。我々の民主主義の状況のことです。民主主義は統一性を求めないということは理解できます。 我々の建国の祖先は論争し、争い、ついには妥協してきました。我々もそうするように期待していたことでしょう。でも彼らは、民主主義には基本的な連帯意識が必要なことを知っていました。その考えは、外見の違いがあっても、我々は内面的には、皆一緒で、興亡の時も一緒だということです。(拍手) 我々の歴史のなかで、この連帯が脅かされた時が何度かありました。今世紀の初めに出来事もその一つです。縮み行く世界、拡大する格差、人口構造の変化、テロリズムの恐怖 - これらの脅威は、我々の
安全と繁栄への試練だけでなく、民主主義にとっても試練となっています。 我々の民主主義に対するこれらの挑戦に対して我々がどう対処するかによって、子供達への教育や雇用の創出やこの国を守る能力が決まります。換言すれば、我々の未来が決まるのです。
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>Top 3. For the next generations:
- To begin with, our democracy won't work without a sense that everyone has economic opportunity. And the good news is that today the economy is growing again. Wages, incomes, home values, and retirement accounts are all rising again. Poverty is falling again. (Applause.) The wealthy are paying a fairer share of taxes even as the stock market shatters records. The unemployment rate is near a 10-year low. The uninsured rate has never, ever been lower. (Applause.) Health care costs are rising at the slowest rate in 50 years. And I've said and I mean it — if anyone can put together a plan that is demonstrably better than the improvements we've made to our health care system and that covers as many people at less cost, I will publicly support it. (Applause.)
Because that, after all, is why we serve. Not to score points or take credit, but to make people's lives better. (Applause).
- But for all the real progress that we've made, we know it's not enough. Our economy doesn't work as well or grow as fast when a few prosper at the expense of a growing middle class and ladders for folks who want to get into the middle class. (Applause.) That's the economic argument. But stark inequality is also corrosive to our democratic ideal. While the top one percent has amassed a bigger share of wealth and income, too many families, in inner cities and in rural counties, have been left behind — the laid-off factory worker; the waitress or health care worker who's just barely getting by and struggling to pay the bills — convinced that the game is fixed against them, that their government only serves the interests of the powerful — that's a recipe for more cynicism and polarization in our politics.
But there are no quick fixes to this long-term trend. I agree, our trade should be fair and not just free. But the next wave of economic dislocations won't come from overseas. It will come from the relentless pace of automation that makes a lot of good, middle-class jobs obsolete.
- And so we're going to have to forge a new social compact to guarantee all our kids the education they need — (applause) — to give workers the power to unionize for better wages; to update the social safety net to reflect the way we live now, and make more reforms to the tax code so corporations and individuals who reap the most from this new economy don't avoid their obligations to the country that's made their very success possible. (Applause.)
We can argue about how to best achieve these goals. But we can't be complacent about the goals themselves. For if we don't create opportunity for all people, the disaffection and division that has stalled our progress will only sharpen in years to come.
There's a second threat to our democracy — and this one is as old as our nation itself. After my election, there was talk of a post-racial America. And such a vision, however well-intended, was never realistic. Race remains a potent and often divisive force in our society. Now, I've lived long enough to know that race relations are better than they were 10, or 20, or 30 years ago, no matter what some folks say. (Applause.) You can see it not just in statistics, you see it in the attitudes of young Americans across the political spectrum.
But we're not where we need to be. And all of us have more work to do. (Applause.) If every economic issue is framed as a struggle between a hardworking white middle class and an undeserving minority, then workers of all shades are going to be left fighting for scraps while the wealthy withdraw further into their private enclaves. (Applause.) If we're unwilling to invest in the children of immigrants, just because they don't look like us, we will diminish the prospects of our own children — because those brown kids will represent a larger and larger share of America's workforce. (Applause.) And we have shown that our economy doesn't have to be a zero-sum game. Last year, incomes rose for all races, all age groups, for men and for women.
So if we're going to be serious about race going forward, we need to uphold laws against discrimination — in hiring, and in housing, and in education, and in the criminal justice system. (Applause.) That is what our Constitution and our highest ideals require. (Applause.)
- But laws alone won't be enough. Hearts must change. It won't change overnight. Social attitudes oftentimes take generations to change. But if our democracy is to work in this increasingly diverse nation, then each one of us need to try to heed the advice of a great character in American fiction — Atticus Finch — (applause) — who said “You never really understand a person until you consider things from his point of view…until you climb into his skin and walk around in it.”
For blacks and other minority groups, it means tying our own very real struggles for justice to the challenges that a lot of people in this country face — not only the refugee, or the immigrant, or the rural poor, or the transgender American, but also the middle-aged white guy who, from the outside, may seem like he's got advantages, but has seen his world upended by economic and cultural and technological change. We have to pay attention, and listen. (Applause.)
- For white Americans, it means acknowledging that the effects of slavery and Jim Crow didn't suddenly vanish in the '60s — (applause) — that when minority groups voice discontent, they're not just engaging in reverse racism or practicing political correctness. When they wage peaceful protest, they're not demanding special treatment but the equal treatment that our Founders promised. (Applause.)
For native-born Americans, it means reminding ourselves that the stereotypes about immigrants today were said, almost word for word, about the Irish, and Italians, and Poles — who it was said we're going to destroy the fundamental character of America. And as it turned out, America wasn't weakened by the presence of these newcomers; these newcomers embraced this nation's creed, and this nation was strengthened. (Applause.)
So regardless of the station that we occupy, we all have to try harder. We all have to start with the premise that each of our fellow citizens loves this country just as much as we do; that they value hard work and family just like we do; that their children are just as curious and hopeful and worthy of love as our own. (Applause.)
“We all have to start with the premise that each of our fellow citizens loves this country just as much as we do; that they value hard work and family just like we do; that their children are just as curious and hopeful and worthy of love as our own.”
- And that's not easy to do. For too many of us, it's become safer to retreat into our own bubbles, whether in our neighborhoods or on college campuses, or places of worship, or especially our social media feeds, surrounded by people who look like us and share the same political outlook and never challenge our assumptions. The rise of naked partisanship, and increasing economic and regional stratification, the splintering of our media into a channel for every taste — all this makes this great sorting seem natural, even inevitable. And increasingly, we become so secure in our bubbles that we start accepting only information, whether it's true or not, that fits our opinions, instead of basing our opinions on the evidence that is out there. (Applause.)
- And this trend represents a third threat to our democracy. But politics is a battle of ideas. That's how our democracy was designed. In the course of a healthy debate, we prioritize different goals, and the different means of reaching them. But without some common baseline of facts, without a willingness to admit new information, and concede that your opponent might be making a fair point, and that science and reason matter — (applause) — then we're going to keep talking past each other, and we'll make common ground and compromise impossible. (Applause.)
And isn't that part of what so often makes politics dispiriting? How can elected officials rage about deficits when we propose to spend money on preschool for kids, but not when we're cutting taxes for corporations? (Applause.) How do we excuse ethical lapses in our own party, but pounce when the other party does the same thing? It's not just dishonest, this selective sorting of the facts; it's self-defeating. Because, as my mother used to tell me, reality has a way of catching up with you. (Applause.)
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3. 次世代のために:
- まず、我々の民主主義は、誰もが経済的な機会を与えられるべきという感覚がなければ機能しないのです。(拍手) 今日、経済が再び伸びているということは良いニュースです。給与、収入、家の価値、年金など全てが上昇しています。貧困は下降しています。(拍手) 富裕層は、株式市場が乱高下があっても、公平な比率の税金を払っています。失業率は十年ぶりの低水準でした。無保険率はかつてないほど下がりました。 (拍手) 保健医療費の上昇は過去50年間のなかで一番遅いスピードです。そして私はこう言いました。誰かが明確に、我々のヘルスケアシステムより良い案をより安価な費用で同じ人数をカバーできるのならば、私が明確にそれを支持します。(拍手) なぜなら、結局、これこそが我々が尽くしてきた理由だからです。得点を上げることや手柄をとるためではないのです。人々の生活をよくするためなのです。(拍手)
- しかし、これら全ての進展を我々は作りましたが、それで十分ではありません。我々の経済は、小数が成長するミドルクラスやミドルクラスになりたい人々犠牲の上で繁栄するような時はうまく機能しないのです。(拍手) それは経済的な議論です。しかし過酷な不平等は我々の民主主義の理想を蝕むものです。トップ１％がより多くの富と収入を得る一方で、内陸の都市や地方ではあまりにも多い家族が置き去りにされています。 工場での仕事を失った失業者、ウェイトレスや介護従事者は、日々の請求書を支払うのに四苦八苦している。彼らはこのゲームは自分の味方ではなく、政府は権力者の方しか見ていないと確信している。それは政治における皮肉と偏向のレシピといえます。 この長い期間の傾向に対して即効薬的な方法はありません。我々の貿易は自由なだけでなく、公平であるべきだという点に私は同感です。しかし、次の経済の激震は海外からくるのではありません。容赦のない自動化のスピードからくるものであり、それは今の多くの中間層の仕事を陳腐化していきます。
- だからこそ、我々は全ての子供たちに必要な教育を保証するような新たな社会的な仕組みを作っていかなくてはいけないのです。 (拍手) 働く人たちに、よりよい給料のための労働組合を組織する力を与えることです。 我々が生きている状況を反映するセーフティーネットを改善することです。 そして税改正を通じて、ニューエコノミーから大きな収益を得る法人と個人は、彼らを成功に導いた国に対する義務を回避しないようにします。(拍手) これらの目標を達成するためにどうすればいいか我々は議論することができます。しかし我々はその目標自身に満足してはいけません、我々はもし全ての人たちに対して機会を創出しないならば、我々の進歩を失速させてきた不満と対立が今後一層先鋭化するでしょう。このことは 我々の民主主義に対する第二の脅威です。それはこの国を同じように古い課題なのです。私の選挙の後、アメリカではポスト人種問題の議論がありました。それは善意からのものであろうと、そのような展望は、決して現実的ではないということです。人種というのは影響力のあるもので、我々の社会を分裂させるものでもあります。 私は、長い経験から言って、誰が何と言おうと、人種の関係性が10、20、30年前より改善したことを知っています。(拍手) それは統計だけで見られるものではなく、政治的スペクトルを通して、若いアメリカ人の態度に見ることができます。しかし我々は必要な場所にはいません。我々全ては、さらにやるべきことがあるのです。(拍手) もし経済的な問題で、勤勉な白人の中間層と報われないマイノリティ間の闘争として位置づけられるならば、様々な階層の労働者は戦いに明け暮れ、一方で、富裕層は自分の飛び地に逃げ込むことでしょう。(拍手) もし我々が移民の子供たちに対して投資を渋るなら、それが我々に似ていないことが理由なら、我々は自分たちの子供の繁栄を矮小化することを意味します。なぜなら、彼ら茶褐色(の有色の移民)の子供たちは、アメリカの労働力として大きな割合を担うからです。(拍手) 我々は経済がゼロサムゲームになる必要がないことを示しました。昨年、全ての人種、全ての年齢層、そして男も女も含めて全ての人の収入が上がりました。 もし我々が人種の問題を本気にするならば、人種差別に禁止する法律を制定しなくてはいけません。採用、住宅、教育、司法の面においてです。(拍手) それが我々の憲法が、最も崇高な理想として掲げるものだからです。
- しかし法律だけでは十分ではありません。心情が変わらないといけないのです。それは一夜にして変わるものではありません。社会的な態度が変わるのには何世代という長い時間が必要なのです。しかし、もし我々の民主主義が多様性の増えつつある国で機能するならば、我々一人ひとりがアメリカの小説の登場人物 Atticus Finchの言葉を留めておくべきです。(拍手) その言葉とは「あなたが人を理解するには、彼の視点から、つまり肌の色になりきって見える風景を考慮しない限り、その人を理解することはむずかしい」。 黒人と他のマイノリティグループにとっては、我々の正義のための闘いをこの国が直面する大勢の人々の課題と結びつけることを意味します。これらの人々の中には、難民、移民や地方の貧困者や、トランスジェンダーのアメリカ人、また中年の白人層でも、外見上は有利であると見られていても、実は経済的・文化的・技術的な進化に取り残されたと見なせる人々もいるです。我々は注意を払って、耳を傾けなければいけません。 (拍手)
- 白人のアメリカ人にとっては、奴隷制の効果と(黒人隔離法である) Jim Crow法は1960年代に突然消滅したのではなかったのです。(拍手) マイノリティグループの不平の声があがっても、それは人種差別への関わりをやめたり、ポリティカルコレクトネスの訓練にはなりませんでした。マイノリティが平和な抗議を行ったとき、それは特別な扱いを求めたのではなく、この国を作った創始者が約束した平等な扱いを求めたのです。 (拍手) 生粋のアメリカ人にとって、これは、今日の移民に対するステレオタイプを思い起こさせます。つまり、文字通り、アイルランド人、イタリア人、ポーランド人などで、この彼らがこのアメリカの基本的な性格を破壊しようとしていると言われるなことです。しかし現実には、新たな移民によって、アメリカという国が弱まることは決してなかったのです。(拍手) むしろ、合衆国の信念を擁護し、強化してきました。 我々がどのような立場を占めようとも、我々は努力し続けなければなりません。我々全ては今もそうであるようにこの国を愛する国民としての前提から始まったこと、今もそうであるように辛い仕事や家族の価値があること、そして子供達は、我々と同じく好奇心と希望を持ち、愛されるに値するという前提から始めなければならないのです。
- それらは行い易いことではありません。大多数の人々にとって、自分自身の殻に閉じこもって過ごすことのほうが、断然容易ではあります。近所、大学の構内、祈りの場所、SNSなど、我々と似たような人々に囲まれて、同じ政治的意見をもつ人々、我々の常識を覆すことなどない人々という殻に囲まれて暮らすことです。 むき出しの愛党心、経済的・地域的な格差の増大、あらゆる嗜好に合わせたメディアの分裂 - この細分化が、一見自然に分類を作り出すことは、避けられないことのように見受けられます。そして、我々はますます自分自身の殻に閉じこもり、その情報が真実か否かではなく、自分の意見に適合する情報のみを受け入れることに、心地よさを覚えるようになります。自らの意見を証拠に基づくものとすることなくです。(拍手)
- このような流れは、我々の民主主義における第３の脅威となります。政治とは思想の戦いであります。民主主義とは、そのように設計されたものです。健全な議論においては、それぞれが異なる目的、そして目的に至る異なる手段を持っています。 しかしながら、事実の共通認識がなくてはなりません。それは、新しい情報を受け入れることを甘受せず、論敵が公平な意見を隠蔽したりするからこそ、科学や理論が重要になるのです。(拍手) そうでなければ、我々はいつまでも噛み合わない議論を続け、共通点や妥協点を見つけることは不可能となります。(拍手) これこそが、政治に対する失望を招いていると思いませんか？ どうして、未就学児に対する支援を提案すると、議員たちは赤字財政に激怒するのに、大企業の税金削減にはなにも言わない、などということが起こるのでしょうか？(拍手) どうして、自らの政党における倫理違反には必死で言いわけをするのに、ほかの政党が同様のことをすれば、非難するというようなことが起こるのでしょうか？ これは、ただ単に不誠実であるだけではなく、意図的な事実の選別です。それは自滅行為です。私の母が昔よく言っていたように、真実というものは必ずあなたに追いつくものだからです。(拍手)
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>Top 4. What we have defended:
- Take the challenge of climate change. In just eight years, we've halved our dependence on foreign oil; we've doubled our renewable energy; we've led the world to an agreement that has the promise to save this planet. (Applause.) But without bolder action, our children won't have time to debate the existence of climate change. They'll be busy dealing with its effects: more environmental disasters, more economic disruptions, waves of climate refugees seeking sanctuary.
Now, we can and should argue about the best approach to solve the problem. But to simply deny the problem not only betrays future generations, it betrays the essential spirit of this country — the essential spirit of innovation and practical problem-solving that guided our Founders. (Applause.)
It is that spirit, born of the Enlightenment, that made us an economic powerhouse — the spirit that took flight at Kitty Hawk and Cape Canaveral; the spirit that cures disease and put a computer in every pocket.
It's that spirit — a faith in reason, and enterprise, and the primacy of right over might — that allowed us to resist the lure of fascism and tyranny during the Great Depression; that allowed us to build a post-World War II order with other democracies, an order based not just on military power or national affiliations but built on principles — the rule of law, human rights, freedom of religion, and speech, and assembly, and an independent press. (Applause.)
- That order is now being challenged — first by violent fanatics who claim to speak for Islam; more recently by autocrats in foreign capitals who see free markets and open democracies and and civil society itself as a threat to their power. The peril each poses to our democracy is more far-reaching than a car bomb or a missile. It represents the fear of change; the fear of people who look or speak or pray differently; a contempt for the rule of law that holds leaders accountable; an intolerance of dissent and free thought; a belief that the sword or the gun or the bomb or the propaganda machine is the ultimate arbiter of what's true and what's right.
Because of the extraordinary courage of our men and women in uniform, because of our intelligence officers, and law enforcement, and diplomats who support our troops — (applause) — no foreign terrorist organization has successfully planned and executed an attack on our homeland these past eight years. (Applause.) And although Boston and Orlando and San Bernardino and Fort Hood remind us of how dangerous radicalization can be, our law enforcement agencies are more effective and vigilant than ever. We have taken out tens of thousands of terrorists — including bin Laden. (Applause.) The global coalition we're leading against ISIL has taken out their leaders, and taken away about half their territory. ISIL will be destroyed, and no one who threatens America will ever be safe. (Applause.)
- And to all who serve or have served, it has been the honor of my lifetime to be your Commander-in-Chief. And we all owe you a deep debt of gratitude. (Applause.)
“... we must guard against a weakening of the values that make us who we are.”
But protecting our way of life, that's not just the job of our military. Democracy can buckle when we give in to fear. So, just as we, as citizens, must remain vigilant against external aggression, we must guard against a weakening of the values that make us who we are. (Applause.)
And that's why, for the past eight years, I've worked to put the fight against terrorism on a firmer legal footing. That's why we've ended torture, worked to close Gitmo, reformed our laws governing surveillance to protect privacy and civil liberties. (Applause.) That's why I reject discrimination against Muslim Americans, who are just as patriotic as we are. (Applause.)
That's why we cannot withdraw from big global fights — to expand democracy, and human rights, and women's rights, and LGBT rights. No matter how imperfect our efforts, no matter how expedient ignoring such values may seem, that's part of defending America. For the fight against extremism and intolerance and sectarianism and chauvinism are of a piece with the fight against authoritarianism and nationalist aggression. If the scope of freedom and respect for the rule of law shrinks around the world, the likelihood of war within and between nations increases, and our own freedoms will eventually be threatened.
So let's be vigilant, but not afraid. (Applause.) ISIL will try to kill innocent people. But they cannot defeat America unless we betray our Constitution and our principles in the fight. (Applause.) Rivals like Russia or China cannot match our influence around the world — unless we give up what we stand for — (applause) — and turn ourselves into just another big country that bullies smaller neighbors.
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4. 守ってきたもの:
- 気候変動に対して、積極的に取り組んでいくべきです。たった８年間で、外国からの輸入石油に対する依存度を半減し、再生可能エネルギーの利用率を倍増しました。そして、この地球を救うための世界的な合意を取り付けました。 しかし、更なる大胆な取り組みなくしては、我々の子供たちの世代は、気候変動に関する議論の時間すら与えられないでしょう。彼らは、気候変動によってもたらされる影響に忙殺することになります。更なる環境破壊、経済的混乱、安全な場所を求めてさまよう環境避難民の波です。
今こそ、この問題に対する解決策を議論することができるそうしなければいけない時です。 しかし、この議論を避けることは、次世代を破壊するだけではありません。この国の建国者たちが掲げた改革の精神や問題解決の精神を裏切る行為でもあります。 この精神、即ち、啓蒙思想こそが、経済的発展の原動力となったのです。この精神が、(ライト兄弟の)キティ・ホークや(宇宙開発の)ケープ・カナベラルでの飛行を可能とし、この精神が病を癒し、あらゆる人々のポケットまでコンピュータを届けるに至ったのです。 この精神、つまり、理性に対する信念、冒険心、権力に対する正義の優位性 - これらが、大恐慌時代にファシズムや圧政の誘惑に抵抗して、第二次世界大戦後の秩序作り上げたのです。それは単に軍事力や他の民主主義との力だけではなく、法に基づく秩序、人権、宗教。原論・集会・出版の自由などが可能にしたのです。(拍手)
- この秩序が、今脅かされています。初めは、イスラム教を代弁すると主張する狂信者たちによって。最近では、外国資本の独裁者たちが、自由市場、開かれた民主主義、そして市民社会そのものが彼らの権力を脅かす脅威と見みなしています。我々の民主主義を脅かす危険は、自動車爆弾やミサイル以上となって遠方に届いています。 それは、変化への恐れという形で現れます。見た目の違う、話す言語の違う、祈る宗教の違う人々に対する恐れです。リーダーたちに説明責任を負わせるという法の支配への蔑視、対立する意見や自由な思想に対する不寛容。剣や銃、爆弾またはプロパガンダ機械こそが、何を真実とし、何を正義とするのか、最終的に決めるという信念。 軍服をまとった人々、情報将校、治安維持機関、彼らを支援する外交官が示した並々ならぬ勇気によって、いかなるテロリスト集団も、過去８年間において、我々の母国に攻撃を加えることはできませんでした。ボストンやオーランド、サンベルナルディノやフォートフードについては、過激派がいかに危険であるか、思い知らされせました。 しかし、治安維持機関がかつてないほど効果的かつ周到対応しました。我々は、ウサマ・ビン・ラディンを含め、何万ものテロリストを取り除くことに成功しました。(拍手) その代表が、です。 ISILに対抗する連合国を率いて、我々はテロリストの指導者を下し、彼らの領土の半分から追い出すことに成功しました。ISILは崩壊し、アメリカを脅かす存在は一層安全になりました。(拍手)
- 全ての関わった人々へ、あなた方の最高司令官であったことは、私の人生における最大の栄誉でした。皆さんに心より感謝します。(拍手) しかし、「我々が何者であるかの価値観を弱めることに対して我々は守らなければなりません」我々の生活の仕方を守るということは、軍事の役割ではありません。民主主義というものは、我々が恐怖に屈服すると崩壊するものです。だからこそ、我々は、市民として、外部の侵略に警戒する必要があります。そして、我々を我々たらしめる価値観に弱めるものから守らねばなりません。 それ故に私は、過去８年間、法に基づいて、テロリズムと戦ってきました。 それ故に我々は、拷問を廃止し、グアンナモ湾収容キャンプを閉鎖し、プライバシーや人権保護のため、監視法の改訂を進めてきました(拍手)。 それ故に私は、我々と同じく愛国的であるムスリムアメリカ人への差別を排除してきました。(拍手) それゆえに我々は、民主主義、人権、女性の権利、同性愛者等(LGBT)の人権擁護を広めるための大いなる闘いから撤退することを許されません。 我々の取り組みは完全ではありませんし、このような価値観を無視する方都合良かったとしても、それはアメリカを守ることの一部なのです。過激主義、不寛容性、セクト主義、狂信主義との闘いは、独裁主義、過激な愛国主義との闘いの一部だからです。 世界各地で自由と法を尊重する領域が狭まれば、国家の中あるいは国家間での戦争の可能性が触れ、我々の自由が脅威に晒されます。 決して油断してはなりませんし、恐れてもいけません。ISILは、無垢の人々を殺戮しています。しかしISILは、我々が憲法と戦いにおける原則を裏切らない限り、アメリカを倒すことはできません。(拍手) ロシアや中国のようなライバル国とて、アメリカが守るべきものを放棄し、近隣の弱小国を威圧する大国の一つになり下がらない限り、アメリカの影響力に対抗することはできないのです。
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>Top 5. My final point:
- Which brings me to my final point: Our democracy is threatened whenever we take it for granted. (Applause.) All of us, regardless of party, should be throwing ourselves into the task of rebuilding our democratic institutions. (Applause.) When voting rates in America are some of the lowest among advanced democracies, we should be making it easier, not harder, to vote. (Applause.) When trust in our institutions is low, we should reduce the corrosive influence of money in our politics, and insist on the principles of transparency and ethics in public service. (Applause.) When Congress is dysfunctional, we should draw our congressional districts to encourage politicians to cater to common sense and not rigid extremes. (Applause.)
But remember, none of this happens on its own. All of this depends on our participation; on each of us accepting the responsibility of citizenship, regardless of which way the pendulum of power happens to be swinging.
Our Constitution is a remarkable, beautiful gift. But it's really just a piece of parchment. It has no power on its own. We, the people, give it power. (Applause.) We, the people, give it meaning. With our participation, and with the choices that we make, and the alliances that we forge. (Applause.) Whether or not we stand up for our freedoms. Whether or not we respect and enforce the rule of law. That's up to us. America is no fragile thing. But the gains of our long journey to freedom are not assured.
“Our Constitution is a remarkable, beautiful gift. But it's really just a piece of parchment. It has no power on its own. We, the people, give it power.”
In his own farewell address, George Washington wrote that self-government is the underpinning of our safety, prosperity, and liberty, but “from different causes and from different quarters much pains will be taken…to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth.” And so we have to preserve this truth with “jealous anxiety;” that we should reject “the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties” that make us one. (Applause.)
America, we weaken those ties when we allow our political dialogue to become so corrosive that people of good character aren't even willing to enter into public service; so coarse with rancor that Americans with whom we disagree are seen not just as misguided but as malevolent. We weaken those ties when we define some of us as more American than others; when we write off the whole system as inevitably corrupt, and when we sit back and blame the leaders we elect without examining our own role in electing them. (Applause.)
It falls to each of us to be those those anxious, jealous guardians of our democracy; to embrace the joyous task we've been given to continually try to improve this great nation of ours. Because for all our outward differences, we, in fact, all share the same proud title, the most important office in a democracy: Citizen. (Applause.) Citizen.
So, you see, that's what our democracy demands. It needs you. Not just when there's an election, not just when your own narrow interest is at stake, but over the full span of a lifetime. If you're tired of arguing with strangers on the Internet, try talking with one of them in real life. (Applause.) If something needs fixing, then lace up your shoes and do some organizing. (Applause.) If you're disappointed by your elected officials, grab a clipboard, get some signatures, and run for office yourself. (Applause.) Show up. Dive in. Stay at it.
“... you see, that's what our democracy demands. It needs you.”
Sometimes you'll win. Sometimes you'll lose. Presuming a reservoir of goodness in other people, that can be a risk, and there will be times when the process will disappoint you. But for those of us fortunate enough to have been a part of this work, and to see it up close, let me tell you, it can energize and inspire. And more often than not, your faith in America — and in Americans — will be confirmed. (Applause.)
Mine sure has been. Over the course of these eight years, I've seen the hopeful faces of young graduates and our newest military officers. I have mourned with grieving families searching for answers, and found grace in a Charleston church. I've seen our scientists help a paralyzed man regain his sense of touch. I've seen wounded warriors who at points were given up for dead walk again. I've seen our doctors and volunteers rebuild after earthquakes and stop pandemics in their tracks. I've seen the youngest of children remind us through their actions and through their generosity of our obligations to care for refugees, or work for peace, and, above all, to look out for each other. (Applause.)
So that faith that I placed all those years ago, not far from here, in the power of ordinary Americans to bring about change — that faith has been rewarded in ways I could not have possibly imagined. And I hope your faith has, too. Some of you here tonight or watching at home, you were there with us in 2004, in 2008, 2012 — (applause) — maybe you still can't believe we pulled this whole thing off. Let me tell you, you're not the only ones. (Laughter.)
Michelle — (applause) — Michelle LaVaughn Robinson, girl of the South Side — (applause) — for the past 25 years, you have not only been my wife and mother of my children, you have been my best friend. (Applause.) You took on a role you didn't ask for and you made it your own, with grace and with grit and with style and good humor. (Applause.) You made the White House a place that belongs to everybody. (Applause.) And the new generation sets its sights higher because it has you as a role model. (Applause.) So you have made me proud. And you have made the country proud. (Applause.)
Malia and Sasha, under the strangest of circumstances, you have become two amazing young women. You are smart and you are beautiful, but more importantly, you are kind and you are thoughtful and you are full of passion. (Applause.) You wore the burden of years in the spotlight so easily. Of all that I've done in my life, I am most proud to be your dad. (Applause.)
To Joe Biden — (applause) — the scrappy kid from Scranton who became Delaware's favorite son — you were the first decision I made as a nominee, and it was the best. (Applause.) Not just because you have been a great Vice President, but because in the bargain, I gained a brother. And we love you and Jill like family, and your friendship has been one of the great joys of our lives. (Applause.)
To my remarkable staff: For eight years — and for some of you, a whole lot more — I have drawn from your energy, and every day I tried to reflect back what you displayed — heart, and character, and idealism. I've watched you grow up, get married, have kids, start incredible new journeys of your own. Even when times got tough and frustrating, you never let Washington get the better of you. You guarded against cynicism. And the only thing that makes me prouder than all the good that we've done is the thought of all the amazing things that you're going to achieve from here. (Applause.)
And to all of you out there — every organizer who moved to an unfamiliar town, every kind family who welcomed them in, every volunteer who knocked on doors, every young person who cast a ballot for the first time, every American who lived and breathed the hard work of change — you are the best supporters and organizers anybody could ever hope for, and I will be forever grateful. (Applause.) Because you did change the world. (Applause.) You did.
And that's why I leave this stage tonight even more optimistic about this country than when we started. Because I know our work has not only helped so many Americans, it has inspired so many Americans — especially so many young people out there — to believe that you can make a difference — (applause) — to hitch your wagon to something bigger than yourselves.
Let me tell you, this generation coming up — unselfish, altruistic, creative, patriotic — I've seen you in every corner of the country. You believe in a fair, and just, and inclusive America. (Applause.) You know that constant change has been America's hallmark; that it's not something to fear but something to embrace. You are willing to carry this hard work of democracy forward. You'll soon outnumber all of us, and I believe as a result the future is in good hands. (Applause.)
My fellow Americans, it has been the honor of my life to serve you. (Applause.) I won't stop. In fact, I will be right there with you, as a citizen, for all my remaining days. But for now, whether you are young or whether you're young at heart, I do have one final ask of you as your President — the same thing I asked when you took a chance on me eight years ago. I'm asking you to believe. Not in my ability to bring about change — but in yours.
“I'm asking you to believe. Not in my ability to bring about change — but in yours.”
I am asking you to hold fast to that faith written into our founding documents; that idea whispered by slaves and abolitionists; that spirit sung by immigrants and homesteaders and those who marched for justice; that creed reaffirmed by those who planted flags from foreign battlefields to the surface of the moon; a creed at the core of every American whose story is not yet written: Yes, we can. (Applause.)
Yes, we did. Yes, we can. (Applause.)
Thank you. God bless you. May God continue to bless the United States of America. (Applause.)
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5.
結語:
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6. US Presidentail Election 2016:
D. Trump vs. H. Clinton: 306 (62,980,160): 232 (65,845,063)
Senate: 52 (-2) vs. 48 (+2)
House: 241 (-6) vs. 194 (+6)
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6. 米国大統領選挙2016:
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